ill the 
        post-2015 development agenda end poverty in India? It took over six 
        decades to bring poverty levels in our country down from roughly 60% to 
        30% (Akbar, 2014). At this rate, it should take another six decades to 
        reduce poverty to zero. The sustainable development goals (SDGs), 
        however, endeavour to do this in 15 years. Is this practically possible? 
        If we do a SWOT analysis, the opportunities are that circumstances today 
        are very different from 60 years ago. The Indian economy’s growth rate, 
        pace of technological and medical advancement and magnitude of public 
        development spending today are exceptional as compared to any other time 
        in history (Rao, 2013). The threats however are that India will soon be 
        the most populous nation in the world. Its economic growth in recent 
        years has not created enough jobs. Most of its graduates have minimal 
        employable skills, possibly foreshadowing the conversion of India’s 
        much-anticipated demographic dividend into its demographic disaster.
        Arguing for a multi-dimensional approach to poverty, 
        this article explores two policy issues: countervailing interventions 
        and interventions without foresight and concludes with recommendations 
        for an ecosystem approach.
        
        Poverty as Capability Deprivation
        
        Amartya Sen’s capability approach views poverty as 
        the systematic deprivation of the basic capability of individuals to 
        live the kind of lives they have reason to value (Sarshar, 2010). Going 
        beyond income deprivation, it recognises other forms of deprivations 
        which having an income alone may not alleviate. Multi-dimensional 
        poverty measures such as the Alkire Foster measure (OPHI, n.d.) provide 
        a broader measure of deprivation than income poverty measures used in 
        India. India’s Socio-Economic Caste Census 2011 looks at seven kinds of 
        deprivations, concluding that almost half of India’s rural households 
        suffer from at least one of these deprivations. Such data may be used to 
        target specific deprivations (Rangarajan & Dev, 2015).
        Ending multi-dimensional poverty requires achieving 
        all SDGs including Go al 
        1 i.e. ‘End poverty in all its forms everywhere’. Addressing hunger 
        (Goal 2), healthcare (Goal 3), education (Goal 4) and drinking water and 
        sanitation (Goal 6) issues enables good physical and mental health for 
        the poor. The poor benefit from energy access (Goal 7), full employment 
        and decent jobs (Goal 8) and sustainable industry (Goal 9) as these 
        initiatives create jobs and incomes. Sustainable consumption and 
        production (Goal 12), combating climate change (Goal 13) and protection 
        of marine and terrestrial ecosystems (Goals 14 and 15) help restore 
        natural resources and sustain the rural poor’s incomes, as a majority of 
        the poor people depend on natural resources for sustaining their 
        livelihoods.
al 
        1 i.e. ‘End poverty in all its forms everywhere’. Addressing hunger 
        (Goal 2), healthcare (Goal 3), education (Goal 4) and drinking water and 
        sanitation (Goal 6) issues enables good physical and mental health for 
        the poor. The poor benefit from energy access (Goal 7), full employment 
        and decent jobs (Goal 8) and sustainable industry (Goal 9) as these 
        initiatives create jobs and incomes. Sustainable consumption and 
        production (Goal 12), combating climate change (Goal 13) and protection 
        of marine and terrestrial ecosystems (Goals 14 and 15) help restore 
        natural resources and sustain the rural poor’s incomes, as a majority of 
        the poor people depend on natural resources for sustaining their 
        livelihoods.
        The achievement of each SDG clearly benefits the 
        poor. However, the pathways chosen to achieve certain SDGs may also work 
        against the poor, not allowing them to fully enjoy the benefits of 
        development.
        
        Countervailing Interventions
        
        A common theme of the SDGs is sustainability, visible 
        for example in the target to achieve sustainable food production systems 
        in Goal 2. This has direct implications for rural India which is 
        predominantly engaged in agriculture and particularly the rural poor. 
        India’s fertiliser and power subsidies incentivise farmers to grow 
        resource-intensive crops. Fertiliser and water overuse has caused soil 
        degradation and rapid drops in groundwater levels. Interestingly, a 
        Greenpeace India report (Roy, et al., 2009) argues that while 
        fertilisers did raise productivity in the early years of the Green 
        Revolution, they may now be reducing productivity in many areas due to 
        soil degradation. So, should the subsidy be removed to achieve Goal 2? 
        An IIM-Ahmedabad study (Sharma, 2012) states that removing the 
        fertiliser subsidy may make farming unprofitable in many states, leaving 
        tens of millions of poor farmers without employment. Policies aimed at 
        achieving Goal 2 should be cautious of these effects. Any move to remove 
        these subsidies must be complemented by other schemes to improve farm 
        productivity sustainably. Incentivising private investment in improving 
        the efficiency of traditional practices or discovering new green 
        practices may be a useful policy pathway, as it does not require direct 
        subsidies and may even be cost effective.
        Agriculture being prone to weather fluctuations, 
        drought-resistant or salt tolerant crops are often promoted for 
        adaptation. However, many drought-resistant crops have low returns. 
        Investing in agricultural diversification may be more responsive to the 
        needs of both agricultural resilience and poverty reduction. Without 
        careful weighing of different alternatives for adaptation for the rural 
        poor, one risks trapping the poor in low-value livelihoods (Dercon, 
        2012).
        Goal 7 emphasises renewable energy and Goal 9 
        retrofitting industries for sustainability. Capital costs are currently 
        higher for renewable energy than for conventional energy. To spur a 
        transition, the government may have to subsidise green technologies, so 
        that gradually with research and development, the scope for ‘learning by 
        doing’ and achieving economies of scale; the costs of green technologies 
        will reduce to the levels of non-green alternatives. However, with 
        India’s numerous subsidies already spinning out of control, additional 
        subsidies may divert funds away from pro-poor sectors such as healthcare 
        and education. This dilutes the poor’s benefits from green interventions 
        as it leaves them less capable to take advantage of new green jobs.
        The policy scenario in India has historically 
        followed the path of promoting industrialisation. Land acquisition may 
        be required to be used to achieve Goals 9 (promoting industry) and 11 
        (urban infrastructure and services). However, land acquisition sometimes 
        leaves the poor worse off. Compensation given to land-owners is often 
        inadequate. The bulk of the rural poor are landless or small/marginal 
        farmers who lose not only whatever little land they had but also the 
        opportunity to work on others’ land and grains received as remuneration. 
        They are often unable to find alternative employment due to low levels 
        of human capital. Such indirect outcomes of land acquisition are rarely 
        compensated for.
        Industrialisation is said to create jobs. However, 
        while 285 million people in the 15-29 age group entered the Indian 
        workforce from 2009-10 to 2011-12, the jobless nature of growth added 
        only 15 million jobs between 2004-05 and 2011-12 (Niazi, et al., 2014). 
        Moreover, even if industrialisation was labour-intensive, it would not 
        benefit the poor if the jobs created favour skilled labour, as the poor 
        tend to be poorly skilled.
        Goals 6, 14 and 15 call for the protection and 
        restoration of water-related, marine and terrestrial ecosystems 
        respectively. Policies enforcing these goals may take the form of usage 
        restrictions on forests and other natural resources on which the rural 
        poor depend for their basic needs and livelihood. The affluent and those 
        with political clout often find ways to bypass regulations, while the 
        poor suffer the brunt of limited access as well as long-term 
        repercussions of unsustainable use. Moreover, protecting areas has an 
        opportunity cost: the intrinsic value of the resource as well as 
        livelihoods lost and incomes foregone due to restriction. It is rare 
        that the poor are adequately compensated for these costs. If that 
        continues to be the case, achieving these SDGs may exacerbate poverty 
        and inequality.
        
        Interventions without Foresight
        
        Goal 5 calls for gender equality. Policies addressing 
        gender inequality in India often neglect the phenomenon’s complexity and 
        as a result, sometimes push women into tight corners. Consider legal 
        provisions for women’s right to inheritance. The policy has led many 
        women to be harassed by their in-laws to demand their share of 
        inheritance from their natal family. The share subsequently given to 
        women is never truly theirs as in the Indian cultural set-up the 
        ‘strings’ are in the hands of the husband and in-laws. Compounding the 
        problem further, women lose face in their natal families due to deep 
        cultural biases against women’s right to inheritance, so much so that 
        they may even be refused support from their natal families in crisis 
        situations. Poor women particularly are left worse off in such 
        situations as they rarely have the capability to leave and live 
        independently. Policies should be sensitive to such implications and 
        also dilute harmful or unjust socio-cultural conventions; otherwise they 
        may do more harm than good.
        
        Recognising Linkages
        
        India may learn from Ghana’s approach to removing 
        fossil-fuel subsidies in 2005 exemplifying a multi-dimensional poverty 
        approach. The government offset the price rise by eliminating fees for 
        state primary and secondary schools, increasing investment in public bus 
        transport with a price ceiling on fares, increasing funding for rural 
        healthcare, increasing the minimum wage and investing in rural 
        electrification. These wider compensatory measures helped tackle deeper 
        deprivations of education, mobility, healthcare, wages and energy access 
        (Raworth, et al., 2014).
        Without a multi-dimensional approach, the SDGs may 
        aggravate the very problems they are looking to solve. Policies must 
        recognise the complex linkages among SDGs, multi-dimensional nature of 
        poverty as well as local socio-cultural contexts. Narrowly aiming to 
        achieve a specific SDG without evaluating consequences for poverty 
        reduction may create counterproductive outcomes. 
        
        q
        
        
        
        Dr Alka Srivastava
        and Harshini Shanker
        asrivastava@devalt.org, hshanker@devalt.org
        
        
        Peer Reviewed by
        Dr. Ananya G. Dastidar,
        Associate Professor,
        Dept. of Business Economics,
        University of Delhi - South Campus
        
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