"Supersidiarity" Ashok
Khosla
In the minds of many people,
democracy is synonymous with elections, held periodically at the national or
state level. By themselves, however, elections are not sufficient or even
the most important features of democratic systems. The success of Jeffersonian
democracy lies largely in the existence of strong institutions of local
governance, a hawk-eyed media and a flourishing civil society, all of which
America has, painstakingly, built up and nurtured over the past two hundred
years. The institutions of the marketplace,
which are both the products and the prime supports of this democracy, also
underpin much of its success. But in their present, capitalist form, they are
also the cause of its greatest failure extraordinarily profligate and
wasteful consumption patterns on the one hand, and the consequent,
unprecedented inequity and poverty on the other, which now threaten the very
survival of the planet. And this, in turn, demonstrates the weakness of the
democratic process: its inability, in the face of political and electoral
compulsions, to generate the moral leadership needed to change peoples
behaviour even when it is clearly not sustainable. "Subsidiarity" is not a
household term in the US, but it accurately describes the systems of
governance in that country. It was, apparently, coined in India more than a
hundred and fifty years ago by the British to describe the least cost and most
effective way to govern their remote colonies: the devolution of political and
social decisions to the lowest level at which they can properly be made.
Ironically, it was again the British who, in the 1970s, revived the term
this time in the European context and for the opposite reason. Subsidiarity
became the keyword in the debate to curb the growing tendency of the powerful
bureaucracy in Brussels to centralise European decision making at the expense
of national and local governments. Subsidiarity is clearly not the most euphonic word in
the English language. Even the concept it represents has its limits: it implies that decision making
powers are to be devolved, top down, from a higher authority to a lower
one. Once the national government has been elected, it decides on national
priorities and collects taxes to pay for the programmes to meet these. It then
devolves authority and passes any remaining funds down to local
administrations to take care of provincial and local needs. The people
themselves come into the picture once every five years or so to express their
approval or displeasure by electing the next government. The imperatives of sustainability
dictate otherwise. For development to be sustainable, people must acquire a
sense of ownership and responsibility for their resources economic, social
and natural. And they must be able to oversee and correct the actions of their
elected representatives on a continuing basis. Such a sense of ownership can
in the long run come only from actual ownership enshrined in institutions
of local governance involving the entire adult population. These bodies should
collect revenue from local resources, decide on local priorities and authorise
higher level institutions to coordinate activities that involve other
jurisdictions or skills and knowledge not available at the local level. And
for any such citizen oversight to be effective, it needs certain basic
prerequisites transparency, accurate information and the right to be
consulted in all matters that affect the citizen. As the work of People First continues
to show, a true democracy, of the type that can lead to sustainable
development, is actually an inversion of subsidiarity. We now need a new
concept and a new word supersidiarity, a bottom-up form of
democracy that assigns the primary decision making responsibility to the local
community "gram sabha" in the village or the "mohalla
samiti" in the city. They retain the portion of the tax money collected
in their jurisdictions to implement these decisions. These bodies and the ones
above them devolve successively upwards only those decisions and activities
that cannot be handled at a given level of governance, together with the
residual funds to implement these. This does not mean that each village will
decide on its own what it wants to devolve. A professional group will work out
what resources villages and districts need and provide distribution of
resources in the constitution accordingly. It is gratifying that the Government
of India in its 1999 Budget has designated this the "Year of the Gram
Sabha". q
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