eminists
and sociologists may cite isolated incidents of the rise of women to the
centre of power in Tamil Nadu, but the fact is that the class, caste,
and gender web is still keeping women away from empowerment.
However, of
late, certain administrative initiatives taken by the Centre and efforts
made by some non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have started showing
some results. As at any time in history, this wind of change, too, has
been facing stiff resistance from the entrenched class and vested
interests. Foremost among such initiatives is the implementation of
Panchayati Raj Law and 33 per cent reservation for women.
No one can
deny the single-most important contribution of panchayati raj
institutions (PRIs) — i.e., 33 per cent reservation for women — towards
women empowerment. Thousands of women, who had been confined to their
hearths, are now involved in solving issues in their neighborhood,
block, district, and even in the state. This was the justification given
by the Minister for Panchayati Raj, Mani Shankar Aiyer, to critics of
PRIs. "Even if they have many drawbacks, the panchayats are involving
thousands of women in the planning and development process", he said in
Chennai, recently.
Ordinary
women, some even without any formal education, are becoming successful
administrators, managers, planners and executives. They become agents of
change and pillars of democracy in our villages where real India lives.
In Tamil Nadu,
this has been happening in a special way. There are over 12,000 village
panchayats and as many presidents of the local bodies in the state. Over
4,000 of them are women. Many of them who are illiterate or
neo-literate, have never moved out of their villages, have never worn a
pair of slippers in their lifetime. Some of them work as farm labourers,
like Mani — president of a panchayat in Madurai district. The 38-year
old woman explains: "I come from a poor socio-economic background. My
husband, three sons and I work as agricultural labourers. Only my
seven-year old daughter goes to school. My family does not have any
other income".
Then, there
are women who are under-graduates or graduates and hail from
economically and socially better-off families.
After the
first panchayat elections in 1996, in most meetings of panchayat
presidents, organized by the rural development department or NGOs, it
was interesting to note the men stating: I am Kamala, or Mahalakshmi, or
Shanti. The explanation given was that they represented the ‘elected
women panchayat presidents’, who never moved out or took part in
official functions. All they did was to sign or leave the thumb
impression on the dotted line.
But the scene
is different now, though not totally. In Tamil Nadu, there have been
efforts to educate and empower the panchayat presidents, especially
women and dalits. They are told that they have the power,
responsibilities and privileges pertaining to governance and management.
The efforts
of NGOs, like Human Rights Advocacy and Research Foundation (HRF) in
Chennai, Society for Integrated Rural Development in Madurai and Legal
Aid for Women (Neythal), Nagapattinam, have been able to form The Tamil
Nadu Federation of Women Presidents of Panchayat Government (TNFWPPG).
"It was a tedious task to meet them individually, talk to them, convince
them and force them out of their homes", admits Ozie Fernandes, director
of HRF. TNFWPPG has a membership of over 1,800.
Another
important source of inspiration, ideological support and education for
elected members and panchayat presidents was Dr Palanithurai, Rajiv
Gandhi Chair for Panchayati Raj Studies, and head of the department of
Political Science and Development Administration, Gandhigram Rural
Institute (GRI). The state rural development department has also been
conducting training programmes and leadership camps for panchayat
presidents.
Addressing a
training camp for women panchayat presidents in Gandhi Gram recently, Dr
Palanithurai said: "It was the general expectation that the critical
mass created through the reservation would bring the needed
transformation in the society in many aspects. In the same it is general
apprehensions that how can women representatives respond to the
challenges in the context of increasing violence against women. In spite
of numerous obstacles, the women presidents in the grassroots
institutions have achieved a lot".
However, the
women presidents’ experience as administrators of the panchayats has not
been all that pleasant. They had to face dominating family members,
authoritarianism of upper caste men, non-supportive government
officials, some of whom having the power to dismiss any panchayat
president.
Official
apathy is one of the worst hurdles the women face. J Kala, president of
a village panchayat in Trichy district, said: "I submitted petitions and
photographs to the district officials regarding 21 barrels of tar meant
for laying public roads, being smuggled and hidden in a thicket. There
was no action.... This and similar other incidents convinced me that the
law enforcement officials are meant to support only the rich and
powerful and the state law is meant only for the rich." Most of the
women presidents had similar stories to tell.
Jaya
Jayabalan, president of a panchayat in Vilupuram district, who decided
to take on the illicit arrack lobby, had to face an unwilling police and
a menacing liquor lobby. In the process, she lost her house.
But the
emerging women power in villages cannot be ignored. Some among the
empowered and liberated women have begun to nurse higher political
ambitions. They want to contest for block panchayat or district
panchayat, municipal, or corporation elections.
This rise of
woman power, which began in Kerala, is now taking roots in Tamil Nadu.
Women in other southern states and in selected pockets of the western
and northern states are also coming out to the panchayat fora to stake
their claim. The outlook of the society towards these women has started
changing. But in the process of empowering women, the hurdles are
continuing; steps are being taken by the women on their own to overcome
these hurdles. It is a long drawn process. A structure which had been
created over centuries to work against women cannot be altered within a
short span of time. It could be changed only by creating mass movement
for which the provision of one-third reservation of seats to women would
help. To fight against the designs of the structure, an organised mass
movement is an imperative. In order to make the women achieve results,
an array of interventions are necessary. This is a joint responsibility
of the Government, NGOs, R&D organizations and members of the Civil
Society (not only men but women also) to contribute towards perceptional
and attitudinal change of the society as a whole.