he
sense of being someone who matters, and of having rules that correspond
to what one considers right and proper, are essential to one’s
definition as a citizen and stakeholder in politics. In a similar
manner, the experience of personal welfare and upward mobility are
necessary attributes of being a stakeholder in the national economy.
After six decades of
Independence, for many Indians and observers of India, ‘community’
remains an elusive goal. Each community riot comes across as a violent
invocation of the memory of partition of the country into two nations in
1947. It seeks to compartmentalise the local political and social spaces
on the lines of religion, caste and tribe. Both the Panchayati Raj and
formation of States on linguistic basis are post-Independence creations
that assume a special significance to the building of civil society in
India. Formal democracy and universal adult franchise, right from the
outset, have brought the legal right of participation in public affairs
to all existing social groups, sectional interests and spaces. Not
surprisingly then, Panchayati Raj drew a lot of criticism from those
committed to structural change as a precondition of democracy and
development in India. Democratic decentralisation in India has been the
result of an incremental evolution, rather than a revolutionary
creation.
A perusal of the history of the
relation between the central governing force in India and the
administration at the local level over the past centuries shows the
manner in which the two have worked largely hand in hand with each
other. However, with regard to the local government and its relation to
the local political system and beyond, Indian politicians have gone
through radical changes of policy from time to time. The local
government, which had already acquired a rudimentary presence under the
British rule in the 1880s, made a formal appearance after Independence
in terms of the legislative enactment by the provincial governments.
India has achieved a social
revolution within the span of the six decades following Independence.
During the relatively short time, the country has witnessed tumultuous
changes in social hierarchy, literacy, relation of gender and power,
urbanisation and most importantly, in political participation of
marginalised social groups. The Indian history, one-fifth of mankind in
effect, is a major contribution to the history of democracy and social
change of the twentieth century. It is an important political phenomenon
in its own right. In contrast to the liberal democratic states of Europe
where social change had preceded democratisation, India has experienced
democracy and social change concurrently. This simultaneous rather than
sequential occurrence of social and democratic change makes the Indian
scenario particularly interesting for the comparative politics of
democracy and social change.
The book When Rebels Become
Stakeholders explores the agency of ordinary men and women in the
making of democratic social change in India. The study is specific to
India, but the issues examined are of general interest. In contrast to
the majority of post-colonial states, India has achieved both democratic
and social change. The focus here is on the political skills of India’s
voters and their leaders instead of the essence of Indian culture to
explain this remarkable phenomenon. The book draws on public opinion
derived from three national surveys of the Indian electorate, held in
1971, 1996 and 2004.
Opinions, attitudes and values
of ordinary people form the basis of this book. When Rebels Become
Stakeholders has been written keeping in mind the students of Indian
democracy, as also of comparative politics.
This book is of interest to
researchers and scholars of political science, international relations,
democracy, Indian politics, political analysis, sociology, development
studies, journalism, comparative politics and public administration.